It is one hundred years since the only general strike to have taken place in the history of the British labour movement started on 3rd May 1926, lasting just 9 days. Even a hundred years on, that high point of class struggle provides many essential lessons about the nature of the movement, the role of the capitalist state and the potential power of the working class to organise in its own interests. Indeed there were echoes of all of this in the great miner’s strike of 1984-85. Yet events which might have generated a general strike have failed to do so since 1926. Though there was tremendous solidarity with the miners across the trade unions and in working class communities in 1984-85, that did not take the form of a general strike in support. Nor did the wave of strike activity against the Tory government and public sector and private employers which started in 2022. It involved hundreds of thousands of workers in the rail industry, the National Health Service, postal workers and many others across the economy. Despite the widespread nature of the strikes and extensive public support for the strikers after the Covid pandemic and with many facing a cost of living crisis, it did not become a general strike. Individual unions essentially fought their own battles. Indeed the TUC stated that it was not its role to organise a general strike.

Marking the 50th anniversary of the General Strike in 1976, the Glasgow Junior Workers Committee of the Amalgamated Union of Engineering Workers (AUEW) produced a pamphlet recounting the history of the strike and analysing its causes and consequences. It remains a valuable source. It is summarised, with extracts reprinted, below.1

The pamphlet had a forward by Hugh Scanlon, then President of the AUEW. He said,

‘After the Great War, employers at home found it more and more difficult to accumulate profits as the world’s economic climate worsened and Britain’s control of her empire weakened. They determined to restore their fortunes at the expense of the working class helped by the Government…The workers took up the challenge and the clash between capital and labour came to a head in the General Strike…This pamphlet commissioned by the Glasgow Junior Workers Committee and written by one of our members looks back at that struggle. It will undoubtedly help young workers to look critically at the experience of the General Strike which still carries many lessons for the Labour Movement today.’

The pamphlet´s stated aims were to bring out:

‘1) The decline in British Capitalism and its weakened position in relation to other Capitalist States after the Imperialist War of 1914-1918.

2) The fact the Employers put the onus on the workers to pay for the crisis.

3) The State acting openly, using all its arms (Army, Police, Courts etc.) on the side of the Employers.

4)The unwillingness and inability of the leadership of T.U.C. to lead or fight.

5) The ability of workers to run society without capitalists.’

Workers were to bear the brunt of the deepening crisis of British capitalism following the first world war as it lost ground to the rising power of the United States. ‘…as Prime Minister Baldwin made clear. “All the workers of this country have got to take reductions in wages to help put industry on its feet.” Attacks by the Government and employers on the workers went on all through the early 1920’s.’

At the forefront of resisting the government and employer’s plans, attacks on miner’s wages and conditions were the catalyst for the strike. An earlier defeat when the miners were left to fight alone and the subsequent attacks on other workers lead to a greater determination that workers should stand together to fight this onslaught. Against this background nearly two million workers joined the general strike when it happened.

Signalling the determination of the government and employers to beat the workers they prepared in advance of the strike to crush the movement. Emergency Powers Acts were introduced giving the government near dictatorial powers and trade unionists and communists were arrested and charged with sedition. The first ever Labour government which came into office as a minority government in 1923 was not immune to establishment thinking and attempted to use these powers. ‘J. R. Campbell, the Acting Editor of the Communist Party’s “Worker’s Weekly”, was arrested in 1924 for writing an editorial directed at soldiers: “let it be known that neither in the class war not the military war, will you turn your guns on your fellow workers.”…This first Labour Government attempted to prosecute him but the united opposition of the entire labour movement compelled it to be withdrawn.’

This led to the downfall of the government as the Liberals withdrew support. The red scare continued with the publication of the fabricated Zinoviev letter, which purported to evidence a Soviet conspiracy to subvert the forthcoming election in favour of revolutionary objectives, implicating the Labour and Communist Parties. Four days later the Tories won the general election. ‘This was neither the first, nor the last, “dirty-trick” employed by capitalism to channel the people’s hard won democratic rights into support for those defending capitalism.’

There was an initial confrontation prior to the general strike in 1925, when further attacks on the mineworkers were met by united opposition.

‘On 30 July a special committee of the TUC issued instructions on the halting of coal imports and exports and the delivery and supply of coal…Baldwin for all his bluster about the absolute necessity of workers taking wage reductions etc., caved in, granting a subsidy to the coal industry for nine months...It was “Red Friday”. A great day in working class history. A day which showed the power, strength and organisation of the workers. It also reflected the balance of class forces. Churchill, at that time, Chancellor of the Exchequer, when referring to Red Friday said that, “we therefore decided to postpone the crisis in the hope of averting it, of coping effectually when the time comes.”

The period from 31 July 1925 (Red Friday) until the government subsidy ran out on April 30 1926 was a period of definite and detailed preparation by the capitalist class, and their state. Contrary to this the labour movement’s preparation for the coming struggle was indefinite and ineffective.’

Aware that a major class confrontation was coming and having already awarded itself emergency powers to use repression against the workers, the state went on to make further preparations to counter any strike action.

‘On 25 September, 1925, the press announced the formation of a body which called itself “Organisation for the Maintenance of Supplies.” [O.M.S.]

Its first official communiqué set out its aims clearly: “For many months past it has been evident that a movement is being organised to take advantage of a trade dispute, exceptionally difficult to solve, to promote a general strike…the object it (O.M.S.) has in view is to register and classify those citizens of all classes and of either sex who are prepared to render voluntary assistance in maintaining the supply of food, water and fuel and the efficiency of public services indispensable to the normal life of the community….(it) will place its entire resources at the disposal of the constitutional authorities.”’

The same communiqué announced the leadership. The President was Lord Hardinge of Penshurst, a high-ranking former civil servant and ex-Viceroy of India. The Central Committee also included high-ranking military officers and other establishment figures.

‘Although in the first announcement the O.M.S. was presented as an “independent”, “non-political” body its direct connections with the government and State was soon acknowledged by Joynson-Hicks (“Jix”), the Home Secretary in a letter to “The Times” of 1 October. “I have known of the inauguration of this body for many weeks past; in fact the promoters consulted me as to their desire to form some such organisation…I told the promoters of O.M.S…that it would be a very great assistance for us to receive…classified lists of men in different parts of the country who could be willing to place their services at the disposal of the Government.”’

‘England and Wales were divided into ten “Divisions” each under a Minister acting as a Civil Commissioner…The Divisional Officers had full powers under the Emergency Powers Acts, they could requisition, fix prices, order a policeman to make an arrest…In December and again in January 1926 conferences were held on questions of transport and police between national and local officials. Two more conferences were held in March. The signal for the operation of the plans was to be in receipt of a telegram from Whitehall containing the sole word “Action”.

Alongside these moves “Jix” also spoke of how the Government were “keeping under observation the activities and speeches of Communists in the country, with a view to such actions as might be appropriate at the time…” Within two weeks 12 members of the Communist Party’s Executive had been arrested, and were later convicted on charges that virtually rendered the party an illegal organisation. Miners in South Wales were also jailed.’

During the strike the government printed its own propaganda newspaper, requisitioned all newsprint and working class publications were suppressed. ‘…the preparation and distribution of Strike Committee Bulletins became the most frequent basis of arrest and sentence in the course of the General Strike.’

Despite the obvious preparations being made by the ruling class to crush any general strike, and although many in the movement could see the need for the trade unions to prepare, the TUC leadership did no planning. It was a fight it did not want from the outset.

Ernest Bevan, leader of the Transport and General Workers Union later reflected, “With regard to preparations for the strike, there were no preparations until 27 April [1926] and I do not want anyone to go away…under the impression that the General Council had any particular plan to run this movement. In fact, the General Council did not sit down to draft the plans until they were called together on 27 April.”

Yet only a few days later, ‘On Saturday 1 May the Conference of Trade union executives met, and by 3,653,527 to 49,911 gave support to action. By a similar majority they agreed to hand over to the T.U.C. the conduct of the General Strike. So on 3 May the strike began; first reports were outstanding, even the T.U.C. were surprised by the solidarity. “Reports have surpassed all our expectations”, and within days all over the country Councils of Action and Strike Committees were being set up.

From all areas, South Wales, Scotland, London, North East etc., reports were coming in of how solid and how effective the strike was. All sections called on had responded, railway men, transport, printers, iron and steel and building workers, the “first line”. The strike was going well despite the unpreparedness; local initiative was playing an important part. In response to the effectiveness and growing strength of the strike the Government took a number of vital steps. The “British Gazette” was published to supplement the role of the B.B.C. in churning out “stories” of returning strikers, solidarity weakening and regular appeals for scabs.

At the same time troop movements were reported all over the country, battleships and destroyers were positioned at the mouth of the Tyne, Clyde and Mersey.’

With nearing two million workers out the strike was virtually completely solid and much of the economy ground to a halt. Solidarity and working class action extended beyond the actual strikers and their unions.

‘The workers ability to run things without capitalists was shown conclusively during the Nine Days. The fact that the wealth of the country was produced by labour was clear. The organisation of the workers through their Trades Councils and Councils of Action, was inspiring and efficient. It involved so many more people in decision-making about how their lives could and should be run than did the “normal” democratic channels of “normal” times. Thus the creative energy of hundreds of thousands was released in a fantastically constructive and inspiring way.’

Examples of this quoted in the pamphlet included setting up defence corps to fight off police violence. In Methil in Fife the corps reached 700 strong – a disciplined force armed with pick-shafts and patrolling regularly. It successfully ensured the right of workers to picket.

‘…in Newcastle the Government’s Commissioner was forced to go to the Joint Strike Committee with a suggestion for dual control of food services in view of the breakdown of efforts by the O.M.S.’ This was far from an isolated instance of the authorities and employers going cap in hand to the strikers.

‘A […] sense of power was imparted by the simple sight of cars and vans bearing the black on yellow labels “BY PERMISSION OF THE T.U.C”.

The slogans of “Unity is Strength”, “Unity of the Working class” and “Workers of the World Unite” took on concrete meaning. During the strike the workers helped each other sharing the little food they had and all “mucking in” during times of difficulty. Comradeship among the workers and their families born through social labour was deepened by the struggle. Solidarity from workers throughout the world was forthcoming. The International Transport Workers Federation was successful in blocking cargoes bound for Britian. The Soviet trade unions on 5 May called on their members to subscribe a quarter of a day’s pay in aid of the British workers. That day they transferred £26,427. On 7 May they sent a further £200,000. On 9 May the General Council rejected the aid.’ Though this money was returned, subsequently Soviet trade unionists sent £1,100,000 which was accepted by the Miners Federation to aid locked-out miners.

Although the strike was solid and growing in effectiveness and support, with the “second line” of workers, including shipbuilding and engineering workers called out to join it on 11 May nevertheless secret negotiations had been taking place all along between the TUC leadership and the government which would lead to a swift capitulation and the end of the strike on that very day. It was clear that the TUC leadership was not only ineffective but did not want this level of class struggle, challenging capital.

The negotiations had not involved the miners and their view of the agreement was that still meant a reduction in their wages and negotiating position. They were right but were left to fight on alone. There was widespread disbelief that the strike had been called off without achieving its objectives. In the aftermath active trade unionists were victimised and the government passed further anti-trade union legislation.

The pamphlet draws the conclusion that,

‘Three particular features characterised the strike:

1)The open, partisan nature of the Government and State apparatus on the side of the employers;

2) The unwillingness of the majority of the T.U.C. and Labour Party leaderships to give a lead to the fight…and eventually to sell out;

3) The power, organisation, solidarity and ability of the workers, showing their potential to run society without capitalists.’

Subsequent struggles have had echoes of the momentous days of the General Strike, and testified to its lessons. But the failure to approach the level of united struggle shown during the general strike leaves us with serious questions about the nature and decline of the movement since then and the nature of the British working class today.

An afterword to the pamphlet was provided by Kenny Crawford, then secretary of the Junior Workers Committee (JWC), and gives us a glimpse of trade union activity among young workers in 1976. Examples of its work he describes include: